Women empowerment (WE) is increasingly viewed as an important strategy to reduce maternal and child undernutrition,^1–3 which continues to be a major health burden in low- and middle-income countries causing 3.5 million preventable maternal and child deaths, 35% of the disease burden in children younger than 5 years, and 11% of total global disability-adjusted life years.^4,5Global data show that one of the worst affected regions is sub-Saharan Africa (SSA), where about 20% of children are malnourished.^6,7 Benin is no exception, as the prevalence of stunting, wasting, and underweight was 37%, 5%, and 17%, respectively, among children aged 6 to 59 months in the 2006 Benin Demographic and Health Survey (DHS),⁸ while 9% of women had chronic energy deficiency in the 2012 DHS.⁹ Greater rates were observed in rural areas where stunting was found in 40% of children, underweight in 19%, and wasting in 5%, while 10% of women had chronic energy deficiency.^8,9 Additionally, Beninese women and children have a limited dietary diversity score (DDS), with diets predominately composed of starchy staples with little or no animal products and few fresh fruits and vegetables.^10,11 Government, United Nation agencies, and nongovernmental organizations in Benin recognize that the state of maternal and child undernutrition requires multiple types of interventions.¹²

However, women’s low empowerment status in Benin can hinder the improvement in women’s and children’s undernutrition. Indeed, although females accounted for 47% of the economically active population in 2014,¹³ social and civil legislation is strongly influenced by tradition and customs, as women continue to be required to seek their husband’s authorization in certain areas such as family planning or health services.¹⁴ Rural women provided labor to the families’ commercial plots, were responsible for household food production and processing, and also had to work in the cooperative structures set up by the state in addition to their household tasks.¹⁴ In a more recent study of productivity differences by gender in central Benin, researchers noted that female rice farmers are particularly discriminated against with regard to access to land and equipment, resulting in significant negative impacts on their productivity and income.¹⁵ As in other areas of West Africa, women also have the responsibility of caring for children and preparing food for the household,¹⁶ but they may be vulnerable to food insecurity owing to unequal intrahousehold food distribution and their willingness to forego meals in favor of children during times of scarcity.¹⁷ Finally, no study to date has examined links between women’s empowerment and nutrition in Benin.

In addition, the evidence backing the effect of women’s empowerment on maternal and child undernutrition is inconsistent.¹⁸ Using the Women’s Empowerment in Agriculture Index (WEAI), Malapit et al¹⁹ reported positive and significant association between women’s group (WG) membership, control over income, overall empowerment, and women’s health (as measured by body mass index [BMI] and DDS) in Nepal. However, in Ghana, women’s aggregate empowerment and participation in credit decisions were positively correlated with women’s DDS, but not BMI.²⁰ Mixed findings were also observed between women’s empowerment and child anthropometry. Moestue et al²¹ found a positive association between maternal involvement in social groups and length-for-age z score of 1-year-old children, but De Silva and Harpham²²showed a negative association in 6- to 18-month-old children. Shroff et al²³ found positive association between decision-making and child weight-for-age z score (WAZ), but Begum and Sen’s²⁴ analysis of Bangladesh DHS data did not reveal any significant associations. Therefore, information about which domains of WE are associated with nutritional status is limited,²⁰ and this lack of knowledge constrains the set of policy options that can be used to empower women and improve nutrition.

In addition to a limited set of studies in SSA, examinations of the effects of WE on nutrition outcomes are constrained due to interstudy differences in population characteristics, settings, or methods/conceptualizations of WE.^25–27 For example, despite recognition of the complex, multidimensional, and culturally defined nature and influence of empowerment on nutrition,^20,26,28,29 only a few studies considered the multidimensional structure of empowerment domains in Africa or examined the varied relationships between each measure of WE and maternal and child nutrition status.^30,31 Furthermore, in 2012, the International Food Policy Research Institute developed WEAI constructed from 5 prespecified domains of empowerment,³²which may not be equally relevant in all areas. In contrast, in 2015, the United Nations adopted the Sustainable Development Goals (SDG), but the specific indicators for the SDG empowerment targets are largely equality metrics.³³ To address the need for multidimensional and contextual examinations of WE and its influence on maternal and child health outcomes, we draw from the concepts put forward in the WEAI and the SDGs but took an approach more along the lines of the World Bank which gathers indicators, both equity and empowerment related, that can be used in contextually appropriate ways.³⁴ The aims of this study were therefore to first explore the structure and domains of WE in Kalalé district of northern Benin and then to examine the effects of these constructs on nutritional status of women and their children in the region.

Over the last two decades global production of soybean and palm oil seeds have increased enormously. Because these tropically rainfed crops are used for food, cooking, animal feed, and biofuels, they have entered the agriculture, food, and energy chains of most nations despite their actual growth being increasingly concentrated in Southeast Asia and South America. The planting of these crops is controversial because they are sown on formerly forested lands, rely on large farmers and agribusiness rather than smallholders for their development, and supply export markets. The contrasts with the famed Green Revolution in rice and wheat of the 1960s through the 1980s are stark, as those irrigated crops were primarily grown by smallholders, depended upon public subsidies for cultivation, and served largely domestic sectors.  

The overall aim of the book is to provide a broad synthesis of the major supply and demand drivers of the rapid expansion of oil crops in the tropics; its economic, social, and environmental impacts; and the future outlook to 2050. After introducing the dramatic surge in oil crops, chapters provide a comparative perspective from different producing regions for two of the world's most important crops, oil palm and soybeans in the tropics. The following chapters examine the drivers of demand of vegetable oils for food, animal feed, and biodiesel and introduce the reader to price formation in vegetable oil markets and the role of trade in linking consumers across the world to distant producers in a handful of exporting countries. The remaining chapters review evidence on the economic, social, and environmental impacts of the oil crop revolution in the tropics. While both economic benefits and social and environmental costs have been huge, the outlook is for reduced trade-offs and more sustainable outcomes as the oil crop revolution slows and the global, national, and local communities converge on ways to better managed land use changes and land rights. 

Frontiers in Food Policy: Perspectives on sub-Saharan Africa is a compilation of research stemming from the Global Food Policy and Food Security Symposium Series, hosted by the Center on Food Security and the Environment at Stanford University and funded by the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation. The series, and this volume, have brought the world's leading policy experts in the fields of food and agricultural development together for a comprehensive dialogue on pro-poor growth and food security policy. Participants and contributing authors have addressed the major themes of hunger and rural poverty, agricultural productivity, resource and climate constraints on agriculture, and food and agriculture policy, with a focus on sub-Saharan Africa.

Distributed irrigation systems are those in which the water access (via pump or human power), distribution (via furrow, watering can, sprinkler, drip lines, etc.), and use all occur at or near the same location. Distributed systems are typically privately owned and managed by individuals or groups, in contrast to centralized irrigation systems, which tend to be publicly operated and involve large water extractions and distribution over significant distances for use by scores of farmers. Here we draw on a growing body of evidence on smallholder farmers, distributed irrigation systems, and land and water resource availability across sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) to show how investments in distributed smallholder irrigation technologies might be used to (i) use the water sources of SSA more productively, (ii) improve nutritional outcomes and rural development throughout SSA, and (iii) narrow the income disparities that permit widespread hunger to persist despite aggregate economic advancement.